If there was one thing I've learnt from TV people this year, it's that to do well, you've got to be a bit eccentric. C4 have always been very good at this, and anyone looking at its history will always see it striving to be different- after all, before Big Brother became a superficial game show, it was first packaged as a radical social experiment, very much akin to projects displayed in the wonderful film We Live In Public.
The decision by C4 to run special broadcasts accomodating the Ramadhan period have inevitably brought a fair amount of controversy. The expected ones are somewhat comical; the very right-wing blog, The Commentator, published a piece arguing that the broadcaster had effectively become an arm for Islamist extremism, stating : "Well, who needs Islamist extremists when core elements of the establishment of Europe's leading democratic nation are doing their work for them?". I'm not sure when the Aadhan (call to prayer) became a tool for brainwashing the masses, or how this whole Orwellian, 1984 nightmare world came to be invoked, but it does go to show just how contentious the debate has become. In any case, what is simply a gesture to engage the UK Muslim population (though in part I imagine this has much to do with an opportunity to boost late-night ratings) has suddenly been turned into accusations of Islamification and appeasement.
I think we should consider three points;
1. Does anyone watch TV at 3am? I'd hardly call it family hour. Late night TV is crappy; the BBC tend to broadcast reruns of comedy shows or educational programmes, while others tend to show rather bizarre documentaries. If this really is an attempt to 'Islamify' the public, then C4 are doing a pretty lousy job. In any case for the few that don't have TV on demand, you still have the freedom to change the channel. In fact, C4 are being super nice and notifying you three times that the call to prayer will be broadcast.
2. Channel 4 is a Public-Service channel, but not quite like the BBC : C4 have no obligation to cater to a specific group, nor the tight boundaries that come with a taxpayer funded TV station. At the same time, under the Digital Economy Act 2010, the broadcaster must "[make] a broad range of relevant media content of high quality that, taken as a whole, appeals to the tastes and interests of a culturally diverse society." . Considering that C4 have reflected this concern through their 4thought series, and have generally been very good with provocative TV (Think Dispatches, Black Mirror, or Drugs Live), the move isn't actually that different- or radical, in comparison to other projects. In fact, I'd see it as an extension of their responsibilities as a public broadcaster.
3. There are reasons to oppose C4's move: but #creepingsharia isn't one of them. In fact, as Nesrine Malik argues, not only could the effort backfire, but its also capitalising on one of the most important, and introspective festivals in the Islamic calendar. Many Muslims see Ramadhan in a private capacity- a way in which to spiritually cleanse and affirm one's own relationship with God. Should C4 really be turning individual spirituality into commercial television? More important, if the aim is to make Ramadhan more accessible to non-Muslims, why not produce better documentaries or programming during family hours? Here, its not so much the intention than the method in which C4 is trying to convey diversity, that could render the broadcaster's project superficial.
In any case, such a move is unprecedented, and I wish C4 the best of luck.
Tuesday, 2 July 2013
Mosque Sermons Won't Prevent Further Child Abuse Cases
Originally Published in The Independent : http://www.independent.co.uk/voices/comment/sermons-preached-in-mosques-will-do-nothing-to-prevent-child-sex-abuse-in-south-asian-communities-8683505.html
Last Friday, Muslim leaders across the country united in openly condemning instances of child grooming and trafficking gangs within their communities. Organised by the non-profit group Together Against Grooming (TAG) and supported by the Muslim Council of Britain, a sermon delivered in around 500 mosques highlighted both the “moral depravity” and Quranic condemnation of such acts, which have no place in the Islamic faith.
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| Mirror.co.uk |
Last Friday, Muslim leaders across the country united in openly condemning instances of child grooming and trafficking gangs within their communities. Organised by the non-profit group Together Against Grooming (TAG) and supported by the Muslim Council of Britain, a sermon delivered in around 500 mosques highlighted both the “moral depravity” and Quranic condemnation of such acts, which have no place in the Islamic faith.
There is no doubt that the intentions of the lectures were amicable, particularly in light of recent cases involving grooming gangs in Oxford and Rochdale. Yet in attempting to disassociate the wider Muslim community from such deplorable acts, they may have instead found themselves contributing to the toxic narrative often espoused by anti-Islamic groups such as the English Defence League, who argue that paedophilia and abuse are inherent within the religion. Further, while the gesture may have been widely praised by the media, it will have achieved little in getting to the roots of the problem, or preventing further such cases.
That’s largely because the relationship between Islam and grooming gangs is spurious at best. Mosque leaders are correct in their assertion that these acts lack any scriptural basis, and more importantly, such methods of coercion - through the use of drugs and alcohol, are completely forbidden under any circumstance. Despite what some may think, it is also unlikely that the gang’s members were particularly concerned with the details of proper Islamic conduct either. Indeed as with most cases concerning sexual exploitation, to overpower and control vulnerable young girls was a far more central to their thinking than any form of perceived religious duty. So in this case, it makes little sense to characterise the actions of grooming gangs through Islam, particularly if those involved never actually displayed any form of religious motivation in the first place.
Alternatively, some may argue that while these men were far from pious, Muslim leaders have a civic duty to address these issues. In part, I agree; where mosques are integral parts of local communities, they should play an active part in addressing issues that affect wider society. But we shouldn’t simply place pressure onto mosques and imams, for in reality they can do little but continue stating the obvious: that such acts are abhorrent and impermissible. In fact, a more effective way of tackling the epidemic of grooming gangs lies in encouraging the quieter voices within Asian communities - residents, community groups and local business owners - to speak out. Victims of abuse often find themselves at the mercy of the perpetrators, who are empowered simply because those around them are more than willing to keep quiet and look the other way.
That’s not because members of these communities agree with the actions of the grooming gangs, or view the victims as worthless. In fact, their silence highlights a far more complex cultural issue - notably the cult of shame and honour that forms the basis of social organisation within many South Asian communities. Where the misdeeds of a son run the risk of making both his parents and close relatives outcasts by tarnishing their reputation, it is not hard to imagine why family members are reluctant to speak about it in private, never mind on a public stage.
Indeed, it is not just the young victims of abuse that these grooming gangs were exploiting, but also the sensitivities of their cultural heritage. Herein lies the problematic component of this issue; where many South Asian cultures have both a taboo on discussing matters to do with sexuality and narrowly defined codes of honour, issues concerning child grooming cannot be effectively addressed by religious leaders. They must instead be tackled by actively reforming values and relationships within these traditional communities - a considerable feat for anyone.
While denouncing grooming and child abuse is an important topic, it is unlikely that last week’s sermons will have gotten to the heart of the problem. And while I agree that a disproportionate number of South Asian men have been found guilty of grooming, the somewhat apologetic nature of the sermons will have done more to associate Islam with such acts - further justifying the rhetoric and abuse used by anti-Islamic groups. More importantly, it does little for the victims, reducing their psychological traumas to a simplistic equation in which they are labeled as ‘proof’ of the evils of Islam.
The truth is that beyond the names of the perpetrators, Islam has little to do with these crimes. The real problem instead lies with cultural taboos and a hesitance by traditional communities to engage with such sensitive topics, which is readily exploited by criminal groups. The result of this continued silence is more victims of abuse and further hostility toward the majority of law abiding Muslims.
That’s largely because the relationship between Islam and grooming gangs is spurious at best. Mosque leaders are correct in their assertion that these acts lack any scriptural basis, and more importantly, such methods of coercion - through the use of drugs and alcohol, are completely forbidden under any circumstance. Despite what some may think, it is also unlikely that the gang’s members were particularly concerned with the details of proper Islamic conduct either. Indeed as with most cases concerning sexual exploitation, to overpower and control vulnerable young girls was a far more central to their thinking than any form of perceived religious duty. So in this case, it makes little sense to characterise the actions of grooming gangs through Islam, particularly if those involved never actually displayed any form of religious motivation in the first place.
Alternatively, some may argue that while these men were far from pious, Muslim leaders have a civic duty to address these issues. In part, I agree; where mosques are integral parts of local communities, they should play an active part in addressing issues that affect wider society. But we shouldn’t simply place pressure onto mosques and imams, for in reality they can do little but continue stating the obvious: that such acts are abhorrent and impermissible. In fact, a more effective way of tackling the epidemic of grooming gangs lies in encouraging the quieter voices within Asian communities - residents, community groups and local business owners - to speak out. Victims of abuse often find themselves at the mercy of the perpetrators, who are empowered simply because those around them are more than willing to keep quiet and look the other way.
That’s not because members of these communities agree with the actions of the grooming gangs, or view the victims as worthless. In fact, their silence highlights a far more complex cultural issue - notably the cult of shame and honour that forms the basis of social organisation within many South Asian communities. Where the misdeeds of a son run the risk of making both his parents and close relatives outcasts by tarnishing their reputation, it is not hard to imagine why family members are reluctant to speak about it in private, never mind on a public stage.
Indeed, it is not just the young victims of abuse that these grooming gangs were exploiting, but also the sensitivities of their cultural heritage. Herein lies the problematic component of this issue; where many South Asian cultures have both a taboo on discussing matters to do with sexuality and narrowly defined codes of honour, issues concerning child grooming cannot be effectively addressed by religious leaders. They must instead be tackled by actively reforming values and relationships within these traditional communities - a considerable feat for anyone.
While denouncing grooming and child abuse is an important topic, it is unlikely that last week’s sermons will have gotten to the heart of the problem. And while I agree that a disproportionate number of South Asian men have been found guilty of grooming, the somewhat apologetic nature of the sermons will have done more to associate Islam with such acts - further justifying the rhetoric and abuse used by anti-Islamic groups. More importantly, it does little for the victims, reducing their psychological traumas to a simplistic equation in which they are labeled as ‘proof’ of the evils of Islam.
The truth is that beyond the names of the perpetrators, Islam has little to do with these crimes. The real problem instead lies with cultural taboos and a hesitance by traditional communities to engage with such sensitive topics, which is readily exploited by criminal groups. The result of this continued silence is more victims of abuse and further hostility toward the majority of law abiding Muslims.
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